There’s no tone in Cologne: against tone-segment interactions in Franconian

    Research output: Chapter in Book/Report/Conference proceedingChapterAcademic

    Abstract

    Central and Low Franconian dialects seem to provide counterevidence to alleged universals of unattested correlations of (a) tone and postvocalic voicing, and (b) tone and vowel height. I argue that none of these cases are real counterexamples because contrary to standard analyses in the literature Franconian dialects do not have lexical tones. I propose the contrast to be based on foot structure instead: so called accent 1 is a “true” moraic trochee, i.e. a single heavy syllable with stress on the first mora; and accent 2 is a syllabic trochee. I discuss contemporary Franconian dialects as well as the historical origin of the contrast (“accentogenesis”) and show how the apparent segment-tone interactions developed from prosodic changes that have little to do with consonant voicing and
    nothing with vowel height – let alone tone.
    Original languageEnglish
    Title of host publicationSegmental Structure and Tone
    EditorsWolfgang Kehrein, Björn Köhnlein, Paul Boersma, Marc van Oostendorp
    Place of PublicationBerlin
    PublisherDe Gruyter
    Pages147-194
    Number of pages48
    ISBN (Electronic)978-3-11-034126-3
    ISBN (Print)978-3-11-034109-6
    Publication statusPublished - 2017

    Publication series

    NameLinguistische Arbeiten
    Volume552

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