There’s no tone in Cologne: against tone-segment interactions in Franconian



    Central and Low Franconian dialects seem to provide counterevidence to alleged universals of unattested correlations of (a) tone and postvocalic voicing, and (b) tone and vowel height. I argue that none of these cases are real counterexamples because contrary to standard analyses in the literature Franconian dialects do not have lexical tones. I propose the contrast to be based on foot structure instead: so called accent 1 is a “true” moraic trochee, i.e. a single heavy syllable with stress on the first mora; and accent 2 is a syllabic trochee. I discuss contemporary Franconian dialects as well as the historical origin of the contrast (“accentogenesis”) and show how the apparent segment-tone interactions developed from prosodic changes that have little to do with consonant voicing and
    nothing with vowel height – let alone tone.
    Originele taal-2English
    TitelSegmental Structure and Tone
    RedacteurenWolfgang Kehrein, Björn Köhnlein, Paul Boersma, Marc van Oostendorp
    Plaats van productieBerlin
    UitgeverijDe Gruyter
    Aantal pagina's48
    ISBN van elektronische versie978-3-11-034126-3
    ISBN van geprinte versie978-3-11-034109-6
    StatusPublished - 2017

    Publicatie series

    NaamLinguistische Arbeiten

    Citeer dit